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15. NQS 57.985. Duan and Zhao, Tian xia da tong, 20–21, point out that this is the first textual mention of a system of walled wards, which went on to influence Wei’s Luoyang, and from this the larger East Asian world. Dien, Six Dynasties Civilization, 31–32, cites Miyazaki Ichisada 宫崎市定 (“Rikuchō jidai Kahoku no toshi” 六朝时代华北の都市, Tōyōshi kenkyū 20.2 [1961]: 53–74) in discussion of use of walls in these cities as a control for restive, transplanted populations. Though the main NQS quote raises the issue with the guo cheng (“barbicans”), Yin Xian states this began with the city walls, the wai cheng: “Bei Wei Pingcheng shi lüe,” 196.
16. Duan and Zhao, Tian xia da tong, 21.
17. Originally built in 416, the drum was added later: Duan and Zhao, Tian xia da tong, 67, citing Shui jing zhu shu 2: 13.1144–45.
18. NQS 57.985. Note suggestion for correction of this passage by the editorial authors of the Zhonghua shu ju edition.
19. WS 3.62; Yin, “Bei Wei Pingcheng shi lüe,” 196. For estimates of the barbican’s height see Duan and Zhao, Tian xia da tong, 27.
20. Song, Bei Wei nü zhu lun, 21; Sakuma, Gi Shin Nanbokuchō suirishi kenkyū, 363–64.
21. Segawa, “You mu yu nong geng zhi jian,” 104–5; Yin, “Bei Wei Pingcheng shi lüe,” 198.
22. For discussion of the broader topic, see among many possibilities Louis Nelson’s Architecture and Empire in Jamaica (New Haven, CT, and London: Yale University Press, 2016).
23. WS 102.2275; Bonnie Cheng, “Exchange across Media in Northern Wei China,” in Face to Face: The Transcendence of the Arts in China and Beyond (Lisbon: Centro de Investiga··o e Estudos em Belas-Artes [CIEBA], 2014), 138.
24. WS 2.36; NQS 57.984. Fragments of this have been discovered: see Yin Xian 殷宪, “Datong Bei Wei gong cheng diao cha zha ji” 大同北魏宫城调查札记, Bei chao yan jiu 4 (2004): 153. And for discussion of belief that mica could prolong life, and prevent decomposition of the dead’s flesh, see the article by Edward H. Schafer and E. H. Snafer, “Notes on Mica in Medieval China,” TP 43.3/4 (1955): 265–86.
25. NQS 57.984; WS 2.42; Zhang Zhizhong 张志忠, “Bei Wei Pingcheng shuang que kao” 北魏平城双阙考, rpt. in Bei Wei Pingcheng kao gu yan jiu, 24–27.
26. [domain]; accessed 19 May 2018.
27. Liao shi 41.506.
28. Zhang, “Bei Wei Pingcheng shuang que kao,” 26.
29. Fu Xinian, Traditional Chinese Architecture: Twelve Essays (Princeton, NJ, and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2017), Chapter 4.
30. See the comments of Dien, Six Dynasties Civilization, 15, on why “[r]elatively little work has been done on urban archaeology in China.”
31. For the loss of remains under new constructions, see the comments of Zhang, “Bei Wei Pingcheng shuang que kao.” On the walls in particular, see Duan and Zhao, Tian xia da tong, 28–29.
32. See Ren Yuan’s article “Back to the Future: The Fake Relics of the ‘Old’ Chinese City of Datong,” in the Guardian, 15 October 2014. Insight into the changing nature of the town in the 21st century is given in Chris Buckley’s New York Times article, “In China’s Coal Capital, Xi Jinping’s Dream Remains Elusive” (21 October 2017).
33. On difficulties involved in reconstructing city plans, see inter alia the general comments made by Dien at the beginning of his chapter on “Cities and Outposts,” in his Six Dynasties Civilization, 15; and for Pingcheng the introductory comments in Zhang’s “Bei Wei Pingcheng shuang que kao,” 24; and Duan and Zhao, Tian xia da tong, 46. The latter is the most ambitious effort this author has seen to attempt, with much speculation, to describe Pingcheng, and follow it from Wei into later ages.
34. I have relied on the more detailed attempted reconstructions of Duan and Zhao, Tian xia da tong, 52–53. These are, however, tentative: somewhat different attempts are given in Yin, “Bei Wei Pingcheng shi lüe,” 193; and Cao, “Bei Wei Pingcheng bu ju chu tan,” 1, 5.
35. WS 2.42, 3.52, 3.58. Ren Aijun 任唉君, “Bei Wei Xianbei ren woluduo yi zhi ling shi” 北魏鲜卑人斡鲁朵遗制零拾, Bei chao yan jiu 3 (1996) (cited in Sagawa, “You mu yu nong geng zhi jian,” 106 note 2), suggests that Daowu’s “palaces” at Pingcheng may in fact have been tents (see also Sagawa, 111). The issue of the “peripatetic rulership” of the Taghbach is discussed at length in Chapter 2 of Chin-yin Tseng’s Making of the Tuoba Northern Wei (Oxford: BAR Publishing, 2013).
36. SoS 95.2322; He Dezhang 何德章, “‘Yinshan que shuang’ zhi su jie” “翻山却霜”之俗解, Wei Jin Nan bei chao Sui Tang shi zi liao 12 (1993): 102–16.
37. This can, of course, be connected with the forced sedentarization imposed upon the Helan and other groups, assignment to fixed location in the fixed space of the imperial domain; see this volume’s Chapter 7.
38. For use of fortified cities as storage centers, see Chapter 5 note 36.
39. WS 2.44.
40. Duan and Zhao, Tian xia da tong, 54.
41. WS 112A.2910; Duan and Zhao, Tian xia da tong, 54, 56. The style did not, of course, originate on the archipelago but was borrowed from architectural developments on the continent.
42. See detailed discussion of timber frame architecture in Dien, Six Dynasties Civilization, Chapter 3.
43. Duan and Zhao, Tian xia da tong, 48–49.
44. Yin Xian 殷宪, “Bei Wei Pingcheng zhuan wa wen zi jian shu” 北魏平城砖瓦文字简述, rpt. in his Pingcheng shi gao, 147.
45. Duan and Zhao, Tian xia da tong, 35, 37; and more general discussion of such influences in the columns depicted at Yungang by Kate·ina Svobodová, Iranian and Hellenistic Architectural Elements in Chinese Art, Sino-Platonic Papers No. 274 (Philadelphia: Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations, University of Pennsylvania, 2018). The most famous example of the knockers would be found on the tomb of Song Shaozu (buried 477): see Liu Junxi 刘俊喜, ed., Datong Yan bei shi yuan Bei Wei mu qun 大同雁北师院北魏墓群 (Beijing: Wen wu chu ban she, 2008), Chapter 5; and Annette L. Juliano, Unearthed: Recent Archaeological Discoveries from Northern China (Williamstown, MA: Sterling and Francine Clark Art Institute, 2012), 35–53, esp. 43–46. For suggestion of origin, see Lin, “Bei Wei Shaling bi hua mu yan jiu,” 17–20, who proposes possible links to the depictions of animals on the well-known belt buckles of the Xiongnu.
46. WS 30.725. He went on to serve in a high office in the guard units.
47. Duan and Zhao, Tian xia da tong, 58.
48. Li Ping, Bei Wei Pingcheng shi dai, Chapter 2. Kubozoe Yoshifumi 洼添庆文, “Guan yu Bei Wei de tai zi jian guo zhi du” 关于北魏的太子监国制度, Wen shi zhe (2002.1): 124–29, paints a little more complex picture of the situation, with the emperor having ultimate authority over the administration, and the heir some roles in military activity.
49. Cao, “Bei Wei Pingcheng bu ju chu tan,” 14.
50. In Taiwu’s annals, it is said that he was “born in the Eastern Palace” of his father, Mingyuan: WS 4A.69; Duan and Zhao, Tian xia da tong, 54.
51. Duan and Zhao, Tian xia da tong, 58, 60; Yin, “Bei Wei Pingcheng shi lüe,” 193.
52. Cao, “Bei Wei Pingcheng bu ju chu tan,” 14.
53. This placement is based on the theories of Duan and Zhao, Tian xia da tong. For other attempted reconstructions, see, e.g., Cao, “Bei Wei Pingcheng bu ju chu tan”; or Zhang Zhuo 张焯, “Pingcheng ying jian shi mo” 平城营建始末, Shi zhi xue kan (1995.1): 51–55.
54. WS 2.35; NQS 57.984; Duan and Zhao, Tian xia da tong, 24. Regarding transportation of the craftsmen who produced these goods, see Wang, Zhuan xing qi de Bei Wei cai zheng yan jiu, 60–61; and Pearce, “Status, Labor and Law.” For the establishment of metalworking factories down on the plains, see WS 2.41; ZZTJ 110.2857.
55. See Yan, Bei Wei qian qi zheng zhi zhi du, 107.
56. NQS 57.984. For interpretation of shang fang 尚方 as government factory, Duan and Zhao, Tian xia da tong, 51, make reference to an anecdote of Wencheng in 462 establishing a shang fang to produce twelve golden serving trays (WS 110.2851). For suggestion that this was the shared kitchen of the entire palace city, see Duan and Zhao, Tian xia da tong, 51.
57. Yan, Bei Wei qian qi zheng zhi zhi du, 112.
58. Zhang Qingjie 张庆捷, “Datong Caochangcheng Bei Wei Taiguan liang chu yi zhi chu tan” 大同瓜场城北魏太官粮储遗址初探, WW (2010.4): 53–58; Duan and Zhao, Tian xia da tong, 51. These were apparently built atop ruins from Han and from the Warring States period Zhao: Zhang Xibin 张喜斌 et al., “Datong Bei Wei Taiguan liang jiao yi zhi chu tu de Zhan guo Qin Han wa dang” 大同北魏太官粮窖遗址出土的战国秦汉瓦当, Wen wu shi jie (2009.6): 10–14; and Yin Xian, “Bei Wei Pingcheng shi lüe,” 192.
59. Hucker, Official Titles, 479, no. 6185.
60. NQS 57.984. Shimunek, Languages of Ancient Southern Mongolia and North China, 158, offers several possible reconstructions of the Taghbach word transcribed by “azhen,” and translates the term as “food.” So if the term “azhen chu” was actually used in Pingcheng, it would be a bit like a weaving together of English and French such as “the food cuisine.” The NQS quote states that this was to the west, but Duan and Zhao, Tian xia da tong, 51, state that there is a clear link between the Taiguan and Azhenchu; perhaps the latter was a western section of the larger whole.
61. SoS 48.1429.
62. WS 43.960–61.
63. NQS 57.984; Duan and Zhao, Tian xia da tong, 59.
64. One famous expression of this came with Judy Chicago’s “Dinner Party,” which she described as “a reinterpretation of the Last Supper from the point of view of women, who, throughout history, had prepared the meals and set the table. In my ‘Last Supper,’ however, the women would be the honored guests.” This is a permanent exhibit at the Brooklyn Museum; the quote comes from her A Dinner Party: A Symbol of Our Heritage (Garden City, NY: Anchor Press/Doubleday, 1979), 11.
